NIGERIAN BY BLOOD OR PAPER: HOW THE
KEMI BADENOCH CITIZENSHIP DEBATE RE-OPENED OLD WOUNDS
BY
PROF
MIKE A. A. OZEKHOME, SAN, CON, OFR, LL.D.
INTRODUCTION
In
a candid interview with CNN’s Fareed Zakaria on Sunday, Senior British
Conservative politician of Nigerian descent Kemi Badenoch, offered a striking
and controversial insight into the limitations of Nigerian citizenship law in
an interview with CNN’s Fareed Zakaria. As a woman of Nigerian heritage serving
as the UK’s Secretary of State for Business and Trade, Badenoch (formerly known
as Olukemi Adegoke and who grew up in Lagos before going to stay in the UK at the
age of 16) is no stranger to
questions of identity, belonging and migration. But it was her deeply personal
revelation and its legal implications that ignited a wave of public
conversation not only among Nigerians in diaspora and those resident in
Nigeria, but among leading scholars and constitutional analysts, particularly
regarding gender equality in Nigeria’s citizenship.
THE INTERVIEW
With
clarity and conviction, Badenoch remarked:
“It’s
virtually impossible, for example, to get Nigerian citizenship. I have that
citizenship by virtue of my parents. I can’t give it to my children because I’m
a woman. Yet loads of Nigerians come to the UK and stay for a relatively free
period of time, acquire British citizenship. We need to stop being naive.”
Her
words, layered both with frustration and insight, and perhaps with political
undertones, raise a poignant question: Can a Nigerian woman really not transmit
her citizenship to her child as she said? Is Badenoch’s claim supported by the
laws of Nigeria, or does it expose a longstanding misreading or worse, a
structural gender bias within Nigeria’s legal framework itself?
BROADER CONTEXT: BADENOCH’S ’S BACKGROUND AND
POSSIBLE POLITICAL MOTIVES
KemiBadenoch(45) married with 3 children to Hamish
Badenoch (46),(a Scottish banker born in Wimbledon, London), was born in the UK
in 1980 to Nigerian Yoruba parents and spent part of her childhood in Nigeria.
This automatically makes her a Nigerian citizen by birth under section 25 of
the 1999 Constitution. Her wild claim about Nigerian citizenship may have
perhaps been driven by a rhetorical device to support her hardline stance on
immigration in the UK. By contrasting Nigeria’s supposedly restrictive laws
with the UK’s “lenient” policies, she aims to appeal to the sentiments of
British voters who are concerned about immigration matters. However, her
misrepresentation of Nigerian laws to advance her political career clearly
undermines the credibility of her argument and risks perpetuating wrong
stereotypes about Nigeria’s legal system and constitutional order.
WHAT THE CONSTITUTION SAYS
Chapter
3 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), provides
for citizenship in Nigeria. Every sovereign nation possesses the prerogative to
determine the criteria for the acquisition of its citizenship. In the context
of Nigeria, Chapter 3 provides a comprehensive legal framework governing
citizenship. According to its provisions, Nigerian citizenship may be acquired
through three principal modes: by birth, by registration and by naturalization.
CITIZENSHIP BY BIRTH
Citizenship
by birth is articulated in Section 25 of the 1999 Constitution which governs the
acquisition of citizenship by birth. Section 25(1) stipulates that the
following individuals are deemed Nigerian citizens by birth:
(a) any person born in Nigeria before
the country’s independence, provided that either of their parents or
grandparents belonged to a community indigenous to Nigeria. However, this
provision excludes individuals whose parents and grandparents were not born in
Nigeria;
(b) any person born in Nigeria after
independence, where either of their parents or grandparents is a Nigerian
citizen;
(c) any person born outside Nigeria, so
long as either of their parents is a Nigerian citizen.
The
Constitution defines “the date of independence” as the 1st of October, 1960.
Thus,
by implication, citizenship by birth under Nigerian law may be established if:
(i)
both
parents are Nigerians;
(ii)
either
parent is a Nigerian; or
(iii)
any
grandparent is or was a Nigerian citizen.
This
position was affirmed in Shugaba v Minister of Internal Affairs (1981) 1 NCLR, 459, where Justice
Oye Adefila held that the deportation of the applicant was unconstitutional. The
court emphasized that once an individual establishes Nigerian citizenship under
Nigeria’s constitutional provisions, such a person cannot lawfully be deported
or expelled from the country. In the decided case of Willie Ogbeide v Arigbe Osula
(2004) 12 NWWLR (Pt. 886) 138, Adeniyi, JCA held that:
“…a citizen of this country by birth
never loses his citizenship even when he holds dual citizenship of another
country and cannot be disqualified from contesting election into the House of
Representatives for reasons only that he holds such dual citizenship.”
BOTH PARENTS CAN LEGALLY PASS
CITIZENSHIP TO THEIR CHILDREN
This
provision is unequivocal. Both fathers and mothers regardless of gender have
the equal legal capacity to pass Nigerian citizenship to children born outside
Nigeria. In this regard, KemiBadenoch's claim appears, to conflict with the
clear text of the Constitution. By virtue of being born to a Nigerian parent,
her children are automatic citizens of Nigeria by birth, provided she herself
has not formally renounced her own Nigerian citizenship. Importantly, this
section does not restrict the transmission of citizenship by birth to the child
of a Nigerian father alone. A close reading of Section 25 of the 1999 Constitution
reveals that citizenship by birth in Nigeria is grounded in inclusive and
non-discriminatory language. The provision declares that individuals born in
Nigeria, before or after independence, or born abroad, are citizens by birth if
either parent or any grandparent is or was a Nigerian citizen. The deliberate
choice of the phrase “either of whose parents” is constitutionally significant.
It affirms that both Nigerian fathers and mothers enjoy equal legal standing in
passing on citizenship to their children. Section 42(2) of the Constitution
provides a broad safeguard against discrimination, stating that:
“No
citizen of Nigeria shall be subjected to any disability or deprivation merely
by reason of the circumstances of his birth.”
This
anti-discrimination provision reinforces the constitutional guarantee of
equality before the law, irrespective of gender, ethnicity, parentage, or
social class. In Uzoukwu v Ezeonu II
(1991) 6 NWLR (Pt. 200) 708, the Court of Appeal provided an authoritative
interpretation of Section 42, holding that the section embodies the core values
of non-discrimination and equal protection before the law and applies with full
force against any policy or law that attempts to disadvantage a citizen on the
basis of gender or lineage.
This
constitutional position is unambiguous. No distinction is drawn between
paternal and maternal lines of descent for the purpose of determining
nationality. Consequently, the notion that gender plays a limiting role in the
transmission of citizenship at least in the context of citizenship by birth as
alleged by Badenochis not only inaccurate, but also misleading. Such a claim
disregards the text of the Constitution and perpetuates an outdated,
patriarchal reading of nationality laws that the framers of the 1999
Constitution intentionally rejected.
It
is, however, possible that the lived experience of certain individuals (including
Kemi) may not align with the constitutional guarantee. Bureaucratic
inefficiencies, inconsistent enforcement, or lack of awareness among
administrative officers may present obstacles in the practical exercise of
citizenship rights particularly for women in cross-national family contexts.
But these challenges are procedural rather than legal. They stem from the
failure to implement the Constitution faithfully, not from a flaw within the Constitution
itself.
IS THE ACQUISITION OF NIGERIAN
CITIZENSHIP “VIRTUALLY IMPOSSIBLE”?
Furthermore,
Badenoch’s assertion that acquiring Nigerian citizenship is “virtually
impossible” raises a separate but equally problematic narrative. While it is
true that the process of naturalization or registration may involve stringent
requirements, citizenship by birth remains one of the clearest and most secure
forms of nationality under Nigerian law. For those with direct descent from
Nigerian citizens, the law provides an unequivocal path to recognition. Hence,
if a Nigerian woman like Kemi gave birth to children (as she did), whether
within or outside Nigeria, such children are constitutionally and automatically
entitled to Nigerian citizenship (section 25 of the 1999 Constitution).
In
this light, Badenoch’s statement reflects not a legal reality, but rather a
possible misinterpretation of Nigeria’s citizenship regime, one that risks
reinforcing stereotypes about African and Nigerian legal systems as arbitrary
or exclusionary. More importantly, it obscures the modest constitutional
progress that Nigeria has made towards embracing gender equality, at least
within the letters of the law (though not yet as expected).
Ultimately,
the Nigerian Constitution specifically in Section 25 reflects a commitment to
non-discrimination and inclusivity in matters of nationality. The real
challenge lies not in the law’s intent or wording, but in ensuring that its
application is consistent, gender-sensitive, and resistant to political
distortions. Public figures, especially those of Nigerian descent occupying
high offices abroad, ought to exercise caution and clarity when speaking on
constitutional matters. Misstatements, however unintentional, risk entrenching
harmful misconceptions that weaken the integrity of legal reforms painstakingly
built over decades.
Kemi Badenoch’s
assertion during her CNN interview that she cannot pass on Nigerian citizenship
to her children because of her gender is therefore clearly contrary to and
conflicts with the express language of the Nigerian Constitution. It is not
correct.
EXPLORING THE UNDERCURRENTS OF GENDER
INEQUALITIES
While
Section 25 of the CFRN 1999 clearly empowers both Nigerian fathers and mothers
to transmit citizenship to their children born outside Nigeria, thereby
rendering KemiBadenoch’s specific claim legally inaccurate, it would be
reductive to end the analysis there.
Indeed,
the constitutional safeguard of section 25 of the Constitution against
gender-based discrimination has also been firmly reinforced through judicial
precedent. In the locus classicus case of Mojekwu v Mojekwu (1997) 7NWLR (Pt 512) 283, the Court of Appeal struck
down the Olu-Ekpe custom of Nnewi in Anambra State, which denied female
children the right to inherit property of deceased parents. The court held that
such a practice was repugnant to natural justice, equity and good conscience, and
therefore incompatible with the values enshrined in the Constitution. Justice Niki
Tobi, delivering the lead judgement, emphasized that customs or norms that
discriminate on the basis of sex cannot stand in the face of constitutional
protections. Though the Mojekwu case concerned with inheritance rights, its
broader constitutional significance lies in its clear rejection of gender-based
disability in any form. It affirms the principle that no citizen, male or
female, should be denied access to certain rights or privileges simply on
account of their sex, whether under customary law or through statutory
interpretation.
CITIZENSHIP BY REGISTRATION
Kemi’s
sentiment, though misplaced under Section 25, may in fact reflect a broader and
valid concern, one rooted in the gendered inequities enshrined in other parts
of Nigeria’s citizenship laws, particularly section 26. Of the same 1999
Constitution. Under section 26 of the Constitution, a person may acquire
Nigerian citizenship by registration, but this provision is strikingly
asymmetric. Specifically, Section 26(2)(a) provides that any woman who is or
has been married to a Nigerian man may be registered as a citizen of Nigeria,
subject to satisfying the conditions prescribed by law. However, there is no
corresponding provision for foreign men married to Nigerian women to be
registered as citizens of Nigeria. For example, Mr. Hamish Badenoch cannot
simply be registered as a Nigerian citizen like his female counterpart married
to a Nigerian man. This is clearly inconsistent with the provisions of section
42 CFRN 1999 which establishes the right of every Nigerian citizen to freedom from discrimination.
Thus,
while section 25 recognizes gender equality, Section 26 re-entrenches gender
disparity. A person may apply for Nigerian citizenship
by registration if:
-
- They are of good character and have shown a clear intention to be domiciled
in Nigeria.
- They are married to a Nigerian citizen (typically applicable to foreign women
married to Nigerian men).
- The President has the authority to register such persons as citizens, subject
to conditions set by the National Assembly.
This section allows a non-Nigerian woman
married to a Nigerian man to apply for citizenship by registration.
Specifically:
•
Section 26(2)(a): “a woman who is or has been
married to a citizen of Nigeria.”
This gender-specific language has been
widely criticized for being discriminatory. Notably:
•
It only grants registration rights to foreign
women married to Nigerian men, not to foreign men married to Nigerian women.
•
A Nigerian woman cannot register her foreign
husband for Nigerian citizenship in the same way a Nigerian man can register
his foreign wife.
This supports the implication behind
Badenoch’s claim: gender-based limitations exist, particularly in the
transmission of derivative citizenship through marriage.
This
constitutional inconsistency has therefore been the subject of sustained advocacy
by civil society groups and legal scholars (including my humble self), many of
whom argue that it violates Nigeria’s obligations under international human
rights instruments, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the African Charter on Human and
Peoples’ Rights, both of which Nigeria has ratified
The
silence of equality in section 26 of the 1999 Constitution is not just a
technical oversight; it institutionalizes gender discrimination, effectively
excluding Nigerian women from passing nationality to their foreign spouses, a
right fully available to their Nigerian male counterparts. The discriminatory
implication is that Nigerian women's citizenship is seen as inferior or
incapable of being transmitted, while Nigerian men's citizenship is
presumptively stronger and transmissible.
Political
correctness aside, it is this historical and constitutional bias that may perhaps
have partly framed Badenoch’s broader frustration. If a Nigerian woman’s spouse
cannot be recognized as a citizen through marriage, and the process of
transmitting citizenship to children is often hampered by bureaucratic inertia
or patriarchal assumptions, then it becomes easier to see why she may feel
disempowered, even in contradiction to the express language of Section 25 which
makes her children automatic citizens of Nigeria.
COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE
Many countries have moved to gender-neutral
citizenship laws, including:
• Ghana, where
both men and women can confer nationality to their spouses and children;
• South
Africa, which enshrines non-discrimination and has a rights-based citizenship
framework;
• Canada, UK,
and most of the West, where nationality is conferred equally by either parent.
Nigeria’s colonial-era laws and post-independence
constitution still reflect patriarchal biases, which now clash with modern
principles of gender equality.
CITIZENSHIP
BY NATURALIZATION – SECTION 27
This is open to any non-Nigerian adult who
satisfies the following criteria:
• Has resided in Nigeria for at least 15
years;
• Is of good character;
• Has made or is capable of making useful
contributions to Nigeria;
• Is familiar with Nigerian customs and
language;
• Intends to reside in Nigeria.
Naturalization is not tied to gender or
marriage, but is subject to executive discretion by the President of Nigeria.
Invariably, women are at the receiving end as they do not receive equal
treatment with the men.
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REFORMS
1. Amend
Section 26 to allow either a Nigerian man or woman to register a foreign
spouse.
2. Clarify and
enforce Section 25 to ensure that children born to either Nigerian
parent—regardless of gender—have equal access to citizenship by birth.
3. Review and
harmonize immigration regulations with constitutional provisions and Nigeria’s
international obligations.
4. Launch a
diaspora citizenship policy to ease the process for second- and
third-generation Nigerians abroad.
5. Educate
consular officials to implement a gender-neutral interpretation of the law.
CONCLUSION
KemiBadenoch’s
statement that she cannot pass Nigerian citizenship to her children because she
is a woman, though legally inaccurate under Section 25 of the 1999
Constitution, opens up an important and necessary conversation. The
Constitution clearly provides that citizenship by birth can be transmitted
through either parent, whether mother or father, regardless of where the child
is born. Consequently, if Badenoch holds Nigerian citizenship and has not
renounced it, her children are indeed Nigerian citizens by birth.
However,
her remarks (though maybe politically expedient, having regard to her past
negative statements about Nigeria) reflect a deeper frustration that is not
entirely unfounded. While Section 25 affirms gender equality in theory, other
provisions particularly Section 26, which governs citizenship by registration
expose persistent gender biases in Nigeria’s nationality laws. The exclusion of
foreign men married to Nigerian women from the registration pathway to
citizenship demonstrates a clear constitutional imbalance. This asymmetry not
only reinforces patriarchal assumptions but also undermines Nigeria’s
commitment to international human rights obligations.
Badenoch’s
experience, viewed through this lens, underscores the dissonance between
constitutional promises and practical enforcement, especially for Nigerian
women in the diaspora. It illustrates how systemic, bureaucratic and cultural
barriers often prevent women from fully exercising the rights that the
Constitution guarantees them.
In
sum, while the law on its face protects the right of women to pass on
citizenship, the structure around it does not always support or respect that
equality. Kemi’s statement, though flawed in legal substance, serves as a
catalyst for broader reflection and reforms; a reminder that constitutional
rights must be matched with equal access, unbiased implementation and an
unambiguous commitment to gender justice in law and in practice. Nigerian
women, whether resident in Nigeria or in the diaspora, must be accorded equal
rights, gender equity and equality within the Nigerian space. They remain our
daughters, sisters and mothers.